-
感謝Caslen將軍的介紹,Trainor將軍、Clarke將軍以及西點軍校全體教職員,你們出色地管理了這所令人驕傲的學校,出色地培養了美國軍隊的新血,我要感謝軍隊的領導者-McHugh將軍、McHugh部長、Odierno將軍以及在座的參議員傑克.里德,他也是西點軍校引以為傲的畢業生。2014年畢業生,恭喜你們延續《西點軍魂》的精神。你們擁有第一支全女性指揮隊,Erin Mauldin和Austen Boroff,Calla Glavin,你獲得羅德獎學金;Josh Herbeck,你證明西點軍校的命中率也延伸到三分線。我向全體畢業生保證,你們在西點的最後幾小時裡,身為三軍統帥,我在此赦免所有因輕微過失關禁閉的學生。我得告訴各位,我唸書時可沒人為我這麼做。我知道你們和我一樣感謝你們的家屬。Joe DeMoss,他兒子James即將畢業,在寫給我的一封信中說出許多家長的心聲,提到你們所做的犧牲,他寫道:「內心深處,我們對他們誓言為國服務感到自豪。」如同在座幾位校友,James是戰場老兵,我要求今天在場所有人起立致敬,不僅對現場的老兵,也對曾服役於伊拉克與阿富汗的250多萬美國軍人和他們的家屬,這是向為我們的自由做出重大犧牲的人表達謝意的好時機,在陣亡將士紀念日幾天後的今天。你們是911事件後第一屆或許不會被送到伊拉克或阿富汗戰場的畢業生,當我2009年第一次來西點演講時,伊拉克仍有超過10萬美國駐軍,我們正準備增兵阿富汗,我們的反恐目標集中在蓋達領導核心,他們是發起911攻擊的罪魁禍首,我們的國家正開始經歷大蕭條以來最嚴重的長期經濟危機,四年半後,在你們畢業的今天,情況已發生變化。我們已從伊拉克撤軍,我們在阿富汗的戰爭逐漸緩和,蓋達組織在巴基斯坦和阿富汗交界區的領導核心已被摧毀,奧薩馬.賓.拉登也不存於世。
展開英文
收合英文
-
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. And thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. To General Trainor, General Clarke, the faculty and staff at West Point -- you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army. I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed, who is here, and a proud graduate of West Point himself. To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line. Among you is the first all-female command team -- Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar. And Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three-point line. To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point: As Commander-in-Chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Laughter and applause.) Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school. (Laughter.) I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran. And I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute -- not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families. (Applause.)This is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who have sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. (Applause.) When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al Qaeda’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our war in Afghanistan. Al Qaeda’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more.(Applause.)
-
經過這一切後,我們將注意力重新集中在美國力量的源泉上,能為所有有意願努力工作、擔負責任的人提供機會的經濟成長。事實上,以許多方面衡量,相較於世上其它國家,美國仍強大得多。那些持相反觀點的人,他們認為美國已開始走下坡,或全球領導力正在減弱,他們若非誤讀了歷史,就是太投入黨派政治。思考一下,我們的軍隊所向無敵,任何國家對我們造成直接威脅的機率相當低,我們不會再面臨冷戰時期的危機,同時我們的經濟仍是全球最活躍的,我們的企業也最具創新性,我們的能源一年比一年更獨立。從歐洲到亞洲,我們是史上無可匹敵的國家聯盟中樞,美國不斷吸引具競爭力的移民,我們的立國價值觀啟發全球議會領袖和公眾運動。當颱風襲擊菲律賓或奈及利亞女學生被綁架,或蒙面人佔領烏克蘭大樓時,美國是世界各國尋求幫助的對象。美國一直是不可或缺的領袖,過去一百年如此,未來一百年亦然。但世界正急遽變化,這提供了機會,也帶來新危機。我們都知道,911之後,科技和全球化如何使曾經由國家掌控的力量被個人擁有,使得恐怖主義者擁有造成傷害的能力。俄羅斯對前蘇聯成員國的侵略使歐洲各國感到不安,中國的經濟崛起和軍事擴張使鄰國感到憂心,從巴西到印度,中產階級的崛起與我們的經濟形成競爭,各國政府設法在全球論壇取得更大的發言權,即使發展中國家正迎接民主和市場經濟,24小時新聞與社群媒體的普及使我們無法忽視層出不窮的宗教衝突失敗國家和人民起義,這或許是上個世代不太注意的事。
展開英文
收合英文
-
And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home. In fact, by most measures, America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that America is in decline, or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics. Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War.Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth; our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow more energy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations. America continues to attract striving immigrants. The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. (Applause.) So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation. That has been true for the century passed and it will be true for the century to come.But the world is changing with accelerating speed. This presents opportunity, but also new dangers. We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm. Russia’s aggression toward former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe, while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors. From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts and failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.
-
應對這個新世界是你們這個世代的任務,我們所面對的問題,你們每個人都將面對的問題,並非美國是否能領導,而是我們如何領導。不僅是確保我國的和平與繁榮,也得將和平與繁榮擴及全球。這並非新的問題,至少從喬治.華盛頓擔任三軍統帥以來,他就警告我們提防國外勢力的牽連,即使不會對我國安全或經濟產生直接影響。如今,根據自稱現實主義者所言,敘利亞、烏克蘭或中非共和國的衝突並非我們需要解決的問題,不令人驚訝地,經過代價重大的戰爭與國內持續的挑戰後,許多美國人逐漸認同這個觀點,持有不同觀點的左翼與右翼干涉主義者認為,忽視這些衝突將使我們置身於危險中,美國在全球範圍內動用武力才是避免混亂的安全做法。面對敘利亞的暴亂或俄羅斯的挑釁時,美國並未採取行動,不僅違背我們的良知,也助長了未來衝突的升級,雙方都能引用歷史支持自己的觀點,但我認為雙方的觀點都無法完全符合目前的需求。毫無疑問,在21世紀,孤立主義並非美國的選項,美國無法選擇忽略境外發生的事。如果無法安全處置核原料,美國城市就可能陷入危機。隨著敘利亞內戰延伸到境外,好戰的極端主義團體對我們的威脅逐漸增加,區域性侵略若不加抑制,無論是在烏克蘭南部、南中國海或世界其它地方,最終都將影響我們的盟國,我們可能被迫出兵,我們無法忽視境外發生的事件。
展開英文
收合英文
-
It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead, but how we will lead -- not just to secure our peace and prosperity, but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.Now, this question isn’t new. At least since George Washington served as Commander-in-Chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic wellbeing. Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.A different view from interventionists from the left and right says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril; that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.And each side can point to history to support its claims. But I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It is absolutely true that in the 21st century American isolationism is not an option. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American cities. As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. Regional aggression that goes unchecked -- whether in southern Ukraine or the South China Sea, or anywhere else in the world -- will ultimately impact our allies and could draw in our military. We can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.
-
除了這些顯而易見的理由外,我認為其中還有自身利益的考量,確保我們的子孫生長在一個女學生不會被綁架的世界,一個人們不會因部落、信仰或政治觀點不同而慘遭殺害的世界。我認為一個更自由、更寬容的世界不僅是道德上的必要,也對我們的安全有所助益。但追求境外和平與自由對我們來說具有切身利益,並不是指所有問題都得用武力解決。第二次世界大戰以來,某些讓我們付出最大代價的錯誤並非來自於克制,而是來自於我們不計後果、草率動武的傾向。我們的行動缺乏國際支持與正當性,卻增加了美國人民不必要的犧牲。強硬的宣言只能登上頭條,但戰爭並非靠口號就能打贏,艾森豪將軍對這一點有深刻體會。他在貴校1947年畢業典禮說:「戰爭是人類最悲慘、最愚蠢的行為,蓄意謀求或挑起戰爭是違背全人類的骯髒罪行。」如同艾森豪,身著軍服的這一代年輕人都十分清楚戰爭的代價,包括你們西點人。當我宣佈阿富汗增兵計畫時,曾經是台下聽眾的四名軍人為這個計畫獻出了生命,受傷的人更不止此數。我相信美國的安全需要如此的派兵,但我無法對這些死者釋懷,我無法對這些傷者釋懷。我將背叛對你們的責任以及這個我們摯愛的國家,如果我將你們置於險境,只因為我認為世上某個地方有問題需要解決或因為我擔心他人的批評,那些人認為軍事干涉是避免美國示弱的唯一途徑,這是我的底線:美國必須成為世界舞台永久的領導者,如果我們不這麼做,沒人會擔任這個角色。你們加入的軍隊,無論現在或未來,都將是美國領導權的支柱,但無論如何,軍事行動不能成為美國實踐領導權的主要、甚至是唯一的手段。僅因為我們擁有最好的鐵錘,不代表每個問題都是釘子。因為軍事行動的代價太過高昂,你們應期待每一位文職領導者,尤其是三軍統帥,清楚如何使用這種強大的力量。
展開英文
收合英文
-
And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have a real stake, an abiding self-interest, in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped and where individuals are not slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief. I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative, it also helps to keep us safe.But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint, but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences -- without building international support and legitimacy for our action; without leveling with the American people about the sacrifices required. Tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947: “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at West Point. Four of the servicemembers who stood in the audience when I announced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. A lot more were wounded. I believe America’s security demanded those deployments. But I am haunted by those deaths. I am haunted by those wounds. And I would betray my duty to you and to the country we love if I ever sent you into harm’s way simply because I saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because I was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for America to avoid looking weak. Here’s my bottom line: America must always lead on the world stage. If we don’t, no one else will. The military that you have joined is and always will be the backbone of that leadership. But U.S. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary -- component of our leadership in every instance. Just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail. And because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader -- and especially your Commander-in-Chief -- to be clear about how that awesome power should be used.
-
請容我用剩餘的時間說明我心目中的美國和軍隊該如何在未來的日子裡進行領導,因為你們都將成為這種領導權的一份子,首先讓我重申接任總統時已聲明過的原則:美國將採取單方面軍事行動,當我們的核心利益受到侵害時,當我們的人民受到威脅時,當我們的生活陷入危機時,或當我們的盟友處於險境時。在這些情況下,我們仍需考慮一些棘手問題:我們的行動是否值得、有效、符合正義。國際輿論十分重要,但涉及保護人民、國土與生活方式時,美國不需徵求任何人的同意。另一方面,當全球焦點議題不會對美國造成直接威脅時,當這些事件干擾我們的良知或將世界推向更危險的方向,但並未對我們產生直接威脅,那麼軍事行動的門檻必須提高。在這種情況下,我們不應單獨行動,反之,我們應動員盟友與合作夥伴採取聯合行動,我們需採用更廣泛的方式,包括外交和發展,制裁與孤立,訴諸國際法。若符合正義、必要、有效前提,可採取多方軍事行動。在這種情況下,我們必須與他人合作,因為在這種情況下,聯合行動更可能取得成功,更可能持久,更不容易導致代價沉重的錯誤。
展開英文
收合英文
-
So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of America and our military should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our people are threatened, when our livelihoods are at stake, when the security of our allies is in danger. In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland, or our way of life. (Applause.) On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake -- when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us -- then the threshold for military action must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development; sanctions and isolation; appeals to international law; and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.
-
這引出我第二個觀點:在可預見的未來,美國內外最大的直接威脅仍是恐怖主義,但入侵每個庇護恐怖分子國家的策略,不僅天真且難以持續。我認為我們必須改變現有的反恐策略,從伊拉克和阿富汗戰爭吸取成功與失敗的經驗,在恐怖組織嘗試立足的國家尋求更有效的合作夥伴。這種新戰略的需求反應了一個事實:如今主要威脅不再來自集中式的蓋達組織領導,而是來自於分散式的蓋達組織黨羽和極端主義者。他們多半將目標放在自己盤據的國家,這減少了美國本土遭受911式大規模攻擊的可能性,但提高了美國海外人士遭受攻擊的危險,如班加西事件提高了防禦薄弱之目標的危險,如奈洛比購物中心發生的事件。因此我們必須發展能對抗這種分散式威脅的戰略,在不派遣部隊的前提下擴大我們的影響力,以免削弱軍隊的戰力或激起當地不滿情緒。我們需要並肩對抗恐怖份子的合作夥伴,提高夥伴的能力是我們在阿富汗一直進行的主要工作。美國與盟友齊心協力給予蓋達組織核心沉重的打擊,挫敗他們顛覆國家的威脅行動,但這個進展的持續仰賴阿富汗人民的努力,這就是為何我們培訓了數十萬阿富汗軍警。今年初春,這些阿富汗軍事力量為阿富汗史上首次民主式政權轉移選舉提供了安全保障,阿富汗新總統將於今年年底就職,美國的作戰使命也將結束。這是美國軍隊的偉大成就,但隨著我們在阿富汗的任務轉變成訓練與諮詢,駐紮於當地人力的減少,使我們能更有效地解決中東與北非興起的威脅。
展開英文
收合英文
-
This leads to my second point: For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to America at home and abroad remains terrorism. But a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naïve and unsustainable. I believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy -- drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraq and Afghanistan -- to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al Qaeda leadership. Instead, it comes from decentralized al Qaeda affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in countries where they operate. And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S. personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi. So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat -- one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin, or stir up local resentments. We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. And empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan. Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al Qaeda core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country. But sustaining this progress depends on the ability of Afghans to do the job. And that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands of Afghan soldiers and police. Earlier this spring, those forces, those Afghan forces, secured an election in which Afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history. And at the end of this year, a new Afghan President will be in office and America’s combat mission will be over. (Applause.) Now, that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces. But as we move to a train-and-advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa.
-
今年初我要求國家安全團隊制定一項計畫,建立一個從南亞到薩赫勒的合作夥伴關係網。現在,作為這項努力的一部分,我呼籲國會批准高達50億美元的新反恐合作夥伴基金,讓我們能訓練、建立及加強身處前線之盟國的能力,這些資源將使我們擁有完成不同任務的靈活性,包括訓練持續對抗蓋達組織的葉門安全部隊,支援維持索馬利亞和平的多國部隊,與歐洲盟友共同訓練利比亞安全部隊與邊境巡邏隊,協助法國在馬里的行動。這個計劃最重要的目標是仍在持續的敘利亞危機,令人沮喪的是,這個危機沒有簡單的解決方案,沒有任何軍事行動能立即解除人們遭受的苦難。身為總統,我決定不應讓軍隊投入這場日益激烈的宗教內戰,我相信這是正確的決定,但不代表我們不應幫助敘利亞人民挺身而出,反抗一個用炸彈和饑餓殘害自己人民的獨裁者。在幫助為敘利亞人民權利奮戰、選擇自己未來之鬥士的過程中,我們也打擊了日益壯大、意圖在混亂中尋找藏身處的極端主義分子。因此在我今天宣佈的額外措施中,我們將擴展這份努力,支持敘利亞的鄰國約旦和黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克,協助他們應對敘利亞邊境的難民與恐怖分子問題。我將與國會合作,加強對敘利亞反對派的支持,他們是恐怖份子與專制獨裁者的最佳替代品。我們將持續與歐洲及阿拉伯世界的盟友合作,為這個危機尋求政治解決方案,確保這些國家,不僅是美國,為支持敘利亞人民作出應有的貢獻。
展開英文
收合英文
-
So, earlier this year, I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asia to the Sahel. Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress to support a new Counterterrorism Partnerships Fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity, and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who have gone on the offensive against al Qaeda; supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in Somalia; working with European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya; and facilitating French operations in Mali.A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria. As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. As President, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian war, and I believe that is the right decision. But that does not mean we shouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people. And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos.So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon; Turkey and Iraq -- as they contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators. And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis, and to make sure that those countries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share to support the Syrian people.
-
容我提出最後一項對反恐策略的看法。我所謂的合作關係不是指美國在需要自衛時避免採取直接行動,當我們獲得足以採取行動的情報就會出手,藉由逮捕行動,如將策劃1998年我國大使館爆炸案的恐怖分子繩之以法,或在葉門和索馬利亞進行無人機攻擊。有時這些行動是必要的,我們必須毫不猶豫地保護我們的人民,但如我去年所言,採取直接行動時,我們必須堅持我們的價值觀標準,這意味著我們只有在面臨持續且迫在眉睫的威脅時才能出手,只有在確保幾乎不會波及平民時。我們的行動應滿足一個簡單的判定標準,我們絕不能因戰爭行動樹立更多敵人。我也認為我們應更加透明化對於反恐行動的依據及實施行動的方式,我們需要進行公開說明,無論是無人機攻擊或訓練合作夥伴。我將使軍隊逐漸起帶頭作用,為公眾提供我們各項行動的訊息。我們的情報機構表現相當出色,我們必須繼續保護情報來源和獲取方法,但如果我們無法清楚而公開地解釋我們的各項行動,我們將面臨恐怖份子的抹黑和國際上的質疑,我們在合作夥伴與民眾心目中的正當性將被削弱,政府的可信度也將減少。
展開英文
收合英文
-
Let me make one final point about our efforts against terrorism. The partnerships I’ve described do not eliminate the need to take direct action when necessary to protect ourselves. When we have actionable intelligence, that’s what we do -- through capture operations like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bomb our embassies in 1998 to face justice; or drone strikes like those we’ve carried out in Yemen and Somalia. There are times when those actions are necessary, and we cannot hesitate to protect our people. But as I said last year, in taking direct action we must uphold standards that reflect our values. That means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties. For our actions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield.I also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out. We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners. I will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts. Our intelligence community has done outstanding work, and we have to continue to protect sources and methods. But when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government.
-
透明化問題直接相關於美國領導力的第三個層面,也就是我們維持與加強國際秩序的努力。二次世界大戰後,美國睿智地維持各個機構的和平,協助人類進步,從北約組織和聯合國,到世界銀行與國際貨幣基金組織。這些機構並不完美,但它們增加了我們的力量,它們減少了美國採取單邊行動的必要性,增加了其他國家之間的約束。如今,隨著世界的變化,這種架構也必須發生變化。在冷戰高峰時期,甘迺迪總統說和平需要仰賴「人類機構的逐漸演化」,使這些國際機構逐漸演化、滿足現今需求是美國領導力的關鍵。許多質疑者經常貶低多邊行動的效果,在他們看來,藉由聯合國這樣的國際機構處理事務或尊重國際法是示弱的表現,我認為他們錯了,讓我舉兩個例子來說明其中原因。俄羅斯最近在烏克蘭的行動讓人想起蘇聯坦克駛入東歐的情景,但現在並非冷戰時期,我們左右全球輿論的能力使俄羅斯瞬間陷入孤立。由於美國的領導,世界各國立即譴責俄羅斯的行為,歐洲和七國集團加入我們實施制裁的行列,北約組織增強對東歐盟友的支持,國際貨幣基金組織協助穩定烏克蘭經濟,歐洲安全與合作組織監察員讓全世界知曉烏克蘭不穩定的局勢,全球輿論與國際機構的行動制衡了俄羅斯的宣傳攻勢、俄羅斯的邊境駐軍,以及戴著滑雪面罩的武裝民兵。這個週末,數百萬烏克蘭民眾參與投票。昨天,我與烏克蘭下一任總統談話,我們不知道情況將如何發展,未來還有嚴峻的挑戰,但以國際秩序代表者的身分與我們的盟友站在一起,同時與國際機構合作,給烏克蘭人民一個選擇未來的機會,不費一槍一炮。
展開英文
收合英文
-
And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order. After World War II, America had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from NATO and the United Nations, to the World Bank and IMF. These institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier. They reduce the need for unilateral American action and increase restraint among other nations. Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well. At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon, “a gradual evolution in human institutions.” And evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of American leadership. Now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics, who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. For them, working through international institutions like the U.N. or respecting international law is a sign of weakness. I think they’re wrong. Let me offer just two examples why. In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actions recall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe. But this isn’t the Cold War. Our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate Russia right away. Because of American leadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions; Europe and the G7 joined us to impose sanctions; NATO reinforced our commitment to Eastern European allies; the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy; OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of Ukraine. And this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks. This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday, I spoke to their next President. We don’t know how the situation will play out and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order working with international institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose their future without us firing a shot.
-
與此類似地,不顧美國、以色列和其他國家的頻繁警告,伊朗多年來持續推動核計畫,但從我接任總統開始,我們建立對伊朗實施經濟制裁的聯盟,同時向伊朗政府表達外交誠意。現在我們有機會以和平方式解決彼此的分歧,成功的道路依然漫長,我們保留所有避免伊朗取得核武的選擇,但十年來,我們首次有機會達成一項突破性協議,一個比使用武力更有效、更持久的方法。在這些談判中,我們願意藉由多方管道讓世界站在我們這一邊,這就是美國領導力,這就是美國的力量。在這些例子中,我們建立應對特定挑戰的聯盟,現在我們需要進一步加強這些機構,使其能預防及避免問題的擴散。例如北約組織是世上最強大的聯盟,我們正與北約盟國共同負責新的使命,包括歐洲內部的事務,確保東歐盟國的安全,也包括歐洲境外的事務。北約盟國必須為反恐盡一份心力,對失敗國作出回應,協助訓練合作夥伴。同樣地,聯合國提供一個平臺協助因衝突而分裂的國家,維持和平。現在我們需要確保這些提供維和部隊的國家擁有維持和平所需的訓練和裝備,我們能藉此避免剛果與蘇丹的屠殺重演。我們將加強對這些支援維和任務之國家的投資,因為讓其他國家維持鄰近區域的秩序將減少我們將軍隊置於險境的需求。這是睿智的投資,這是正確的領導方式。
展開英文
收合英文
-
Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United States and Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years. But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the Iranian government. And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully.The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. But for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement -- one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force. And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side.The point is this is American leadership. This is American strength. In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading. For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known. But we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions, both within Europe where our Eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners. Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace, so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions, because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. (Applause.)
-
記住,並非所有國際規範都與武裝衝突直接相關,網路攻擊是嚴重的問題,這就是為何我們致力於制定與實施保障網路與公民安全的規則。在亞太地區,我們正支援東南亞國家與中國就南中國海問題進行談判,我們正致力於藉由國際法解決這些爭端。這種合作精神必須應用於全球對抗氣候變化的共同努力,這將成為你們服役期間逐漸興起的國家安全危機,因為我們將因應難民潮、自然災害以及爭奪水和食物的衝突。這就是為何我希望確保美國明年能率先制定一份保護地球的全球大綱,你們可以看見,當美國以身作則進行領導時,我們的影響力就會增強。我們不能置身事外,只要求其他國家遵守規則;我們不能呼籲其他國家做出對抗氣候變化的承諾,而我國許多政治領袖卻否認氣候變化的發生;我們無法著手解決南中國海問題,當美國參議院拒絕批准海洋法公約,儘管我們的最高軍事領袖一致認為這個公約能促進國家安全。這並非領導,而是逃避;這並非強大,而是軟弱。這對羅斯福、杜魯門、艾森豪、甘迺迪等領袖來說肯定是不可思議的事。
展開英文
收合英文
-
Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyber-attacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea. And we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law. That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change -- a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters and conflicts over water and food, which is why next year I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We can’t exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everybody else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it’s taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by our United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership; that’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.
-
我毫無疑問深信美國例外論,但這個例外並非體現於藐視國際規範和法則,而是體現於我們以行動落實它們的決心。這就是為何我將繼續推動關塔那摩監獄的關閉,因為美國價值觀和法律傳統不允許我們在境外無限期囚禁他人;這就是為何我們將對美國情報的收集和使用採取新的限制,因為我們的合作夥伴將會減少,合作效率也會降低,如果我們讓他人留下我們對普通百姓進行監視的印象。美國並非不計代價地追求穩定、避免衝突,我們追求的是更長久的和平,只能藉由使世上所有人享有同等的機會和自由來實現,這引出我對美國領導力的第四點、也是最後一點看法:我們願意代表人類尊嚴採取行動。美國對民主和人權的支持不僅是理想主義,也關乎國家安全。民主是我們最親密的朋友,能使我們盡可能遠離戰爭,能使自由與開放的市場經濟運作得更好,成為我們商品的市場。尊重人權是解毒劑,能消弭滋生暴力與恐怖的動盪和不滿情緒。暴政並未隨著新世紀的到來而消失,在世界各國的首都-不幸的是,其中一些是美國的盟國-公民社會受到壓迫,腐敗的毒瘤使太多政府和他們的黨羽致富,使全國上下的民眾怒火中燒。
展開英文
收合英文
-
I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions. (Applause.) And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo -- because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost. We stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere. Which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: Our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity. America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism -- it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror. A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies, and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.
-
目睹這種趨勢以及阿拉伯世界部分地區的劇烈動盪很容易讓人憤世嫉俗,但記住,因為美國的努力,因為美國的外交與對外援助以及美國軍隊的犧牲,使生活在民選政府下的人民日益增加,勝於歷史上任何時期。科技以任何「鐵腕」都無法掌控的方式賦予公民社會力量,新的突破使數億人逐漸擺脫貧困,甚至阿拉伯世界的動盪也反映出專制政權無法穩定持久,提供人們對更負責、更有效政府的憧憬。對於埃及這樣的國家,我們承認彼此關係建立在安全利益之上。從與以色列簽訂和平條約到共同打擊暴力極端主義,我們不曾終止與新政府的合作,但我們能夠、也將持續推動埃及人民要求的改革。此外,看看像緬甸這樣的國家。僅僅幾年前它還是一個敵視美國、令人棘手的獨裁國家,有四千萬人口。由於該國人民巨大的勇氣以及美國採取的外交行動和領導作用,我們目睹政治改革使一個原本封閉的社會變得開放。緬甸領導者不再親北韓,而是加強與美國及我們盟國的合作關係。我們支持改革且亟需達成民族和解,藉由援助和投資,藉由勸誘,有時藉由公眾輿論。這個進程或許會逆轉,但如果緬甸的改革成功,我們將不費一槍一炮贏得一個新夥伴。
展開英文
收合英文
-
And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab World, it’s easy to be cynical.But remember that because of America’s efforts, because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance as well as the sacrifices of our military, more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab World reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance. In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests -- from peace treaties with Israel, to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded. And meanwhile, look at a country like Burma, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States -- 40 million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once closed society; a movement by Burmese leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies. We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Burma succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot.
-
美國領導力,以這所有的例子來說,我們不應指望一夜之間就能造成改變,這就是為何我們不僅與政府、也與普通民眾建立聯盟。不同於其它國家,美國不畏懼賦予個人權力,我們因此而更加強大。公民社會使我們更加強大,新聞自由使我們更加強大,創業家與小型企業的努力使我們更加強大,教育交流及給予所有人和女性平等機會使我們更加強大。這就是我們的本質,這就是我們代表的精神我。在去年的非洲訪問中,看見美國協助非洲解決醫療問題的同時,使沒有愛滋病的未來成為可能。我們幫助農民將產品推向市場,為遭受饑荒威脅的民眾提供糧食,我們計畫使撒哈拉以南非洲地區的電力供應提高一倍,使人們能分享全球經濟的成果。這一切都將為我們贏得新夥伴,減少恐怖主義與衝突存在的空間。可悲的是,美國的安全行動無法消除Boko Haram這種極端主義組織帶來的威脅,就是綁架那些女孩的組織。這就是為何我們不應僅著重於營救那些女孩,也應協助奈及利亞教育年輕人,這是伊拉克與阿富汗戰爭讓我們學到的艱難課題之一。我們的軍隊已成為外交和發展最有力的宣導者,他們瞭解國外援助並非錦上添花,並非與國防或國家安全無關的措施,而是讓我們強大的因素之一。最終,全球領導需要我們瞭解世界局勢、瞭解所有的危險和不確定性。我們必須為最壞情況做好準備,做好緊急應對措施,但美國領導力也需要我們瞭解世界應該是怎樣的。在這個世界中,每個人的願望都是重要的。人們擁有希望,不能只被恐懼支配。寫在我們建國文獻中的真理將歷史潮流引向正義的方向,沒有你們的幫助,我們無法實現這一切。
展開英文
收合英文
-
American leadership. In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances not just with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment, we are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people, and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause.) I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market, to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict. Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram, the group that kidnapped those girls. And that’s why we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought, something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong. Ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency. But American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters; where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in a direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you.
-
2014年畢業生,你們在靜謐的哈德遜河畔為此做準備,你們將帶著人類歷史上任何軍隊都無法獲得的遺產離開這裡。你們參與的團隊不僅是普通軍隊,因為你們在服役期間,將與外交官和發展專家一起工作。你們將認識盟友、訓練夥伴,你們將親身體驗美國全球領導力的意義。下週我將前往諾曼第紀念當年登陸的先驅,儘管很多美國人難以體會引領那些搭乘小船登陸者之戰士的勇氣與責任感,但你們肯定十分熟悉。在西點,你們定義了何謂愛國者。三年前,Gavin White從這所學校畢業之後赴阿富汗服役,如同他的戰士前輩Gavin,來到一片陌生的土地,幫助一些素未謀面的人,為了家鄉的人民讓自己置身險境。Gavin在一次襲擊中失去一條腿,去年我前往Walter Reed醫院探望他。他受傷了,但仍如初來西點時一樣堅定。他有一個簡單的目標,今天他妹妹Morgan即將畢業,Gavin遵循他的承諾,將站在這裡與她互致敬禮。我們經歷過漫長的戰爭,我們面臨過無法預見的考驗,我們產生過對前進方向的分歧但,Gavin具有某種特質,這種美國人獨具的特質使我們無往不勝。你們將帶著美國民眾的尊敬離開這裡,你們將代表一個承載歷史和希望的國家。你們現在的責任不僅是保護國家,還得做正確的事,伸張正義,身為三軍統帥的我知道你們做得到。願上帝保佑你們,願上帝保佑我們的軍人,願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。
展開英文
收合英文
-
Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts. You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.Next week, I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.Three years ago, Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family, of the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded, but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point -- and he developed a simple goal. Today, his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Applause.)We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen, and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character that will always triumph. Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge, now, is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your Commander-in-Chief, I know you will.May God bless you. May God bless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)